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ANALISIS DEL TEXTO “PROHIBITION HAS FAILED; LEGALISATION IS THE LEAST BAD SOLUTION”

UNIVERSIDAD NACIONAL AUTONOMA DE MEXICO

CENTRO DE EDUCACION CONTINUA

PROFESORA: LETICIA GUTIERREZ

COMPRENSION DE LECTURA EN INGLES

GRUPO: 56

TRABAJO FINAL: ANALISIS DEL TEXTO “PROHIBITION HAS FAILED; LEGALISATION IS THE LEAST BAD SOLUTION”

ALUMNO: RAMIREZ CABRERA CINTYA BERENICE

Introducción:

“Como detener las guerras de las drogas”

El Tema a tratar en el siguiente trabajo se desarrolla en distintos países y distintas fechas. A grandes rasgos se trata de la lucha que han mantenido distintos países y naciones a cerca de la lucha contra la distribución de narcóticos y las distintas opiniones con respecto a la legalización y las “ventajas” que pudiera traer este hecho. Como por ejemplo el peligro que corren los drogadictos al consumir las drogas pero sobretodo el peligro que corren ya que muchas personas que son adictas al crack se inyectan con agujas infectadas de VIH entre otras cosas que iremos descubriendo a lo largo del trabajo y de la lectura más detallada.

Failed states and failed policies

Prohibition has failed; legalisation is the least bad solution

Mar 5th 2009 |

A HUNDRED years ago a group of foreign diplomats gathered in Shanghai for the first-ever international effort to ban trade in a narcotic drug. On February 26th 1909 they agreed to set up the International Opium Commission—just a few decades after Britain had fought a war with China to assert its right to peddle the stuff. Many other bans of mood-altering drugs have followed. In 1998 the UN General Assembly committed member countries to achieving a “drug-free world” and to “eliminating or significantly reducing” the production of opium, cocaine and cannabis by 2008.

That is the kind of promise politicians love to make. It assuages the sense of moral panic that has been the handmaiden of prohibition for a century. It is intended to reassure the parents of teenagers across the world. Yet it is a hugely irresponsible promise, because it cannot be fulfilled.

Next week ministers from around the world gather in Vienna to set international drug policy for the next decade. Like first-world-war generals, many will claim that all that is needed is more of the same. In fact the war on drugs has been a disaster, creating failed states in the developing world even as addiction has flourished in the rich world. By any sensible measure, this 100-year struggle has been illiberal, murderous and pointless. That is why The Economist continues to believe that the least bad policy is to legalise drugs.

“Least bad” does not mean good. Legalisation, though clearly better for producer countries, would bring (different) risks to consumer countries. As we outline below, many vulnerable drug-takers would suffer. But in our view, more would gain.

The evidence of failure

Nowadays the UN Office on Drugs and Crime no longer talks about a drug-free world. Its boast is that the drug market has “stabilised”, meaning that more than 200m people, or almost 5% of the world's adult population, still take illegal drugs—roughly the same proportion as a decade ago. (Like most purported drug facts, this one is just an educated guess: evidential rigour is another casualty of illegality.) The production of cocaine and opium is probably about the same as it was a decade ago; that of cannabis is higher. Consumption of cocaine has declined gradually in the United States from its peak in the early 1980s, but the path is uneven (it remains higher than in the mid-1990s), and it is rising in many places, including Europe.

This is not for want of effort. The United States alone spends some $40 billion each year on trying to eliminate the supply of drugs. It arrests 1.5m of its citizens each year for drug offences, locking up half a million of them; tougher drug laws are the main reason why one in five black American men spend some time behind bars. In the developing world blood is being shed at an astonishing rate. In Mexico more than 800 policemen and soldiers have been killed since December 2006 (and the annual overall death toll is running at over 6,000). This week yet another leader of a troubled drug-ridden country—Guinea Bissau—was assassinated.

Yet prohibition itself vitiates the efforts of the drug warriors. The price of an illegal substance is determined more by the cost of distribution than of production. Take cocaine: the mark-up between coca field and consumer is more than a hundredfold. Even if dumping weedkiller on the crops of peasant farmers quadruples the local price of coca leaves, this tends to have little impact on the street price, which is set mainly by the risk of getting cocaine into Europe or the United States.

Nowadays the drug warriors claim to seize close to half of all the cocaine that is produced. The street price in the United States does seem to have risen, and the purity seems to have fallen, over the past year. But it is not clear that drug demand drops when prices rise. On the other hand, there is plenty of evidence that the drug business quickly adapts to market disruption. At best, effective repression merely forces it to shift production sites. Thus opium has moved from Turkey and Thailand to Myanmar and southern Afghanistan, where it undermines the West's efforts to defeat the Taliban.

Al Capone, but on a global scale

Indeed, far from reducing crime, prohibition has fostered gangsterism on a scale that the world has never seen before. According to the UN's perhaps inflated estimate, the illegal drug industry is worth some $320 billion a year. In the West it makes criminals of otherwise law-abiding citizens (the current American president could easily have ended up in prison for his youthful experiments with “blow”). It also makes drugs more dangerous: addicts buy heavily adulterated cocaine and heroin; many use dirty needles to inject themselves, spreading HIV; the wretches who succumb to “crack” or “meth” are outside the law, with only their pushers to “treat” them. But it is countries in the emerging world that pay most of the price. Even a relatively developed democracy such as Mexico now finds itself in a life-or-death struggle against gangsters. American officials, including a former drug tsar, have publicly worried about having a “narco state” as their neighbour.

The failure of the drug war has led a few of its braver generals, especially from Europe and Latin America, to suggest shifting the focus from locking up people to public health and “harm reduction” (such as encouraging addicts to use clean needles). This approach would put more emphasis on public education and the treatment of addicts, and less on the harassment of peasants who grow coca and the punishment of consumers of “soft” drugs for personal use. That would be a step in the right direction. But it is unlikely to be adequately funded, and it does nothing to take organised crime out of the picture

Legalisation would not only drive away the gangsters; it would transform drugs from a law-and-order problem into a public-health problem, which is how they ought to be treated. Governments would tax and regulate the drug trade, and use the funds raised (and the billions saved on law-enforcement) to educate the public about the risks of drug-taking and to treat addiction. The sale of drugs to minors should remain banned. Different drugs would command different levels of taxation and regulation. This system would be fiddly and imperfect, requiring constant monitoring and hard-to-measure trade-offs. Post-tax prices should be set at a level that would strike a balance between damping down use on the one hand, and discouraging a black market and the desperate acts of theft and prostitution to which addicts now resort to feed their habits.

Selling even this flawed system to people in producer countries, where organised crime is the central political issue, is fairly easy. The tough part comes in the consumer countries, where addiction is the main political battle. Plenty of American parents might accept that legalisation would be the right answer for the people of Latin America, Asia and Africa; they might even see its usefulness in the fight against terrorism. But their immediate fear would be for their own children.

That fear is based in large part on the presumption that more people would take drugs under a legal regime. That presumption may be wrong. There is no correlation between the harshness of drug laws and the incidence of drug-taking: citizens living under tough regimes (notably America but also Britain) take more drugs, not fewer. Embarrassed drug warriors blame this on alleged cultural differences, but even in fairly similar countries tough rules make little difference to the number of addicts: harsh Sweden and more liberal Norway have precisely the same addiction rates. Legalisation might reduce both supply (pushers by definition push) and demand (part of that dangerous thrill would go). Nobody knows for certain. But it is hard to argue that sales of any product that is made cheaper, safer and more widely available would fall. Any honest proponent of legalisation would be wise to assume that drug-taking as a whole would rise.

There are two main reasons for arguing that prohibition should be scrapped all the same. The first is one of liberal principle. Although some illegal drugs are extremely dangerous to some people, most are not especially harmful. (Tobacco is more addictive than virtually all of them.) Most consumers of illegal drugs, including cocaine and even heroin, take them only occasionally. They do so because they derive enjoyment from them (as they do from whisky or a Marlboro Light). It is not the state's job to stop them from doing so.

What about addiction? That is partly covered by this first argument, as the harm involved is primarily visited upon the user. But addiction can also inflict misery on the families and especially the children of any addict, and involves wider social costs. That is why discouraging and treating addiction should be the priority for drug policy. Hence the second argument: legalisation offers the opportunity to deal with addiction properly.

By providing honest information about the health risks of different drugs, and pricing them accordingly, governments could steer consumers towards the least harmful ones. Prohibition has failed to prevent the proliferation of designer drugs, dreamed up in laboratories. Legalisation might encourage legitimate drug companies to try to improve the stuff that people take. The resources gained from tax and saved on repression would allow governments to guarantee treatment to addicts—a way of making legalisation more politically palatable. The success of developed countries in stopping people smoking tobacco, which is similarly subject to tax and regulation, provides grounds for hope.

A calculated gamble, or another century of failure?

This newspaper first argued for legalisation 20 years ago (see article). Reviewing the evidence again (see article), prohibition seems even more harmful, especially for the poor and weak of the world. Legalisation would not drive gangsters completely out of drugs; as with alcohol and cigarettes, there would be taxes to avoid and rules to subvert. Nor would it automatically cure failed states like Afghanistan. Our solution is a messy one; but a century of manifest failure argues for trying it.

1.- Identifica las siguientes categorías gramaticales marcando en el texto con el color correspondiente:

Sustantivos

Adjetivos

Verbos

Adverbios

Cognados

2.- Llena la tabla con verbos en presente simple y su significado en español de acuerdo con el contexto.

LÍNEA	VERBO	SIGNIFICADO
Párrafo 2, Línea 1	make	Hacer
Párrafo 5, Línea 3	take	Tomar
Párrafo 11, línea 1	Drive	Conducir
Párrafo 11, Línea	Should	Deber
Párrafo 6, línea 4	Spend	Gastar
Párrafo 15, Línea 2	Can	Poder
Párrafo 8 , línea 1	seize	Agarra, sujetar
Párrafo 8, línea 4	adapts	Adaptar, ajustar
Párrafo 8, línea 7	defeat	vencer
Párrafo 9, línea 6	Use	Usar, utilizar
Párrafo 9, línea 9	Pay	Pagar
Párrafo 10, línea 5	Grow	Crecer, aumentar
Párrafo 6, línea 1	See	Ver

3.- Completa la siguiente tabla con palabras del texto aportando ejemplos para todas las categorías gramaticales que recuerdes.

Línea	Palabra(s)	categoría gramatical	Significado
1	foreign	adjetivo	De fuera, extranjero
1	diplomats	sustantivo	Diplomático
2	agreed	adjetivo	Acordado, decidido
5	committed	adjetivo	Comprometido
Párrafo 2 , Línea 1	sense	sustantivo	Sentido
Párrafo 2, Línea 2	prohibition	sustantivo	Prohibición
Párrafo 3, Línea 4	Even	adjetivo	Plano, uniforme
Párrafo 3, Línea 4	Rich	adjetivo	Rico
Párrafo 3, Línea 5	struggle	sustantivo	Prueba, lucha
Párrafo 4, Línea 2	Risks	sustantivo	Riesgo
Párrafo 4, .Línea 2	vulnerable	adjetivo	Vulnerable
Párrafo 4, Línea 3	Gain	verbo	Obtener
Párrafo 5, Línea 4	Same	adjetivo	Mismo
Párrafo 5, Línea 6	Probably	adverbio	Probablemente
Párrafo 5, Línea 8	uneven	adjetivo	Desnivelado

4.- Elementos visuales

Título	Failed states and failed policies
Subtítulo	Prohibition has failed; legalisation is the least bad solution
Sección	Leaders
Fuente	The Economist
Fotografías	Norma
Lugares	Britain, China, Vienna, Europe, Mexico, Turkey, Thailand, Afghanistan, Latin America, Asia, Africa
Fechas	February 26th 1909, 1998, 2008, 1980, 1990, december 2006
Números	100 year, 5%,$40 billion, 800 pliceman , 320 billion, 20 years ago

5.- Cognados:

Inglés	Español	Inglés	Español
Vulnerable	Vulnerable, adjetivo	honest	Sincero, adjetivo
Probably	Probablemente, adverbio	governments	Gobierno, sustantivo
Eliminate	Eliminar, verbo	legalisation	Legislación, sustantivo
Drugs	Narcótico, sustantivo	reduction	Reducción, sustantivo
Illegal	Ilegal, adjetivo	alcohol	Alcohol, sustantivo
Cultural	cultural adjetivo	cigarettes	Cigarrillo, sustantivo

6.- Lectura Detallada

Identificación de sustantivos

Inglés	Español
It assuages the sense of moral panic that has been the handmaiden of prohibition a century	Alivia el sentido de pánico moral que ha sido la dama de compañía de la prohibición por un siglo
By any sensible measure, this 100-year struggle has been illiberal, murderous and pointless.	Por cualquier medida razonable, esta lucha de 100 años ha sido iliberal, asesina y sin sentido.
Its boast is that the drug market has “stabilised”,	Su alarde es que el mercado de las drogas se ha “estabilizado”,
In the developing world blood is being shed at an astonishing rate	Y en el mundo en vías de desarrollo se derrama sangre a una velocidad sorprendente
There are two main reasons for arguing that prohibition should be scrapped all the same.	Hay dos razones principales para argumentar que la prohibición debería, aun así, ser eliminada.
This newspaper first argued for legalisation 20 years ago	Este periódico por primera vez argumentó a favor de la legalización hace 20 años

7.- Identificación de tiempos verbales: Decodificación de frases verbales

Inglés	Español
That is the kind of promise politicians love to make.	Ese es el tipo de promesa que le encanta hacer a los políticos.
It assuages the sense of moral panic that has been the handmaiden of prohibition for a century	Alivia el sentido de pánico moral que ha sido la dama de compañía de la prohibición por un siglo
In Mexico more than 800 policeman and soldiers have been killed since December 2006	En México más de 800 policías y soldados han sido asesinados desde diciembre de 2006
This system would be fiddly and imperfect, requiring constant monitoring and hard-to-measure trade-offs.	El sistema sería ajustable e imperfecto, requeriría monitoreo constante y tendría disyuntivas ("trade-offs") muy difíciles de medir
Post-tax prices should be set at a level that would strike a balance between damping down use on the one hand, and discouraging a black market and the desperate acts of theft and prostitution to which addicts now resort to feed their habits	Los precios post-impuestos deberían ser establecidos a un nivel que permitiera lograr un balance entre el desaliento del uso de drogas por un lado, y, por otro lado, el desánimo del mercado negro y de los actos desesperados de robo y prostitución a los cuales los adictos tienen que recurrir para alimentar sus hábitos.
That presumption may be wrong	Esa presunción puede estar equivocada
There are two main reasons for arguing that prohibition should be scrapped all the same.	Hay dos razones principales para argumentar que la prohibición debería, aun así, ser eliminada.
Tobacco is more addictive than virtually all of them	El tabaco es más adictivo que virtualmente todas ellas
It is not the state's job to stop them from doing so.	No es trabajo del estado detenerlos.
Prohibition has failed to prevent the proliferation of designer drugs, dreamed up in laboratories	La prohibición no ha logrado prevenir la proliferación de drogas diseñadas, soñadas en laboratorios

8.- Elementos referenciales-

Renglón	Elemento	Sustituye o se refiere a:
Párrafo 1, Renglón 2	they	Un grupo de diplomáticos extranjeros
Párrafo 2, Renglón 2	it	Políticos que hacen promesas
Parrafo 5, Renglon 1	Its	Oficina de la Naciones Unidas Contra las Drogas y el Crimen
Párrafo 10, Renglón 3	this	“reducción de daño”
Párrafo 12, Renglón 5	their	Padres de familia estadounidenses

9.-Conectores

Renglón	Conector	Idea 1	Idea 2
Párrafo 1, Renglón 7	and	the production of opium, cocaine	cannabis by 2008
Párrafo 4, Renglón 3	but	As we outline below, many vulnerable drug-takers would suffer	in our view, more would gain
Párrafo 5, Renglón 5	And	The production of cocaine	opium is probably about the same as it was a decade ago
Párrafo 5, Renglón 9	and	It also makes drugs more dangerous: addicts buy heavily adulterated cocaine	heroin
Párrafo 12, Renglón 5	but	Plenty of American parents might accept that legalisation would be the right answer for the people of Latin America, Asia and Africa; they might even see its usefulness in the fight against terrorism	their immediate fear would be for their own children

Conclusiones:

Hoy en día la Oficina de las Naciones Unidas Contra las Drogas y el Crimen no hablan más de un mundo libre de drogas. Su alarde es que el mercado de las drogas se ha “estabilizado”, significando con ello que más de 200 millones de personas, o casi el 5% de la población mundial adulta, todavía consume drogas ilegales – aproximadamente la misma proporción que hace una década.

La producción actual de cocaína y opio es probablemente igual que la de hace una década; la de canabis es mayor. El consumo de cocaína ha declinado gradualmente en los Estados Unidos desde su pico a comienzos de los años ochenta, pero el camino es desigual

Ciertamente, lejos de reducir el crimen, la prohibición ha fomentado mafias a una escala que el mundo jamás había presenciado.

El fracaso de la guerra contra las drogas ha llevado a que algunos de sus más valientes generales, especialmente en Europa y Latinoamérica, estén sugiriendo que el actual eje de la política, consistente en encerrar personas, tome un giro hacia un enfoque de salud pública y “reducción del daño” (como alentar a los adictos a que usen agujas limpias).

Proveyendo información honesta sobre los riesgos a la salud de distintas drogas, y estableciendo precios acordes, los gobiernos podrían orientar a los consumidores hacia las menos dañinas. La prohibición no ha logrado prevenir la proliferación de drogas diseñadas, soñadas en laboratorios.

Nuestra solución no es pulcra; pero un siglo de fracaso manifiesto argumenta a favor de intentarla.